Behind The Veil
“My strength, the power I wield will, in one way or another, be passed on to all Iranian women. Already these women, formerly regarded as chattels, without the right to be heard, have increasingly more to say for themselves.”
- Farah Parlavi (1978: 130-31)
Iranian women exist within a complex web of cultural pressures, legislative restrictions and epidemic violence. Despite advancements in education and employment opportunities, Iranian women continue to face challenges in terms of gender inequality and societal expectations. Before the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran was making significant strides toward gender equality, with women gaining access to education, employment, and political participation under Shah Pahlavi during the ‘White Revolution” (Sanasarian, 1982: 165-9). With the establishment of an Islamic Republic, the government began implementing policies that aimed to enforce strict interpretations of Islamic Shari’a law, changing the lives of millions of women and the culture in which they lived (Moghaddam, 2019). The revolution also brought about a shift in the legal framework, leading to the adoption of laws that restricted women's rights and reinforced traditional gender roles. For instance, the Family Protection Law, enacted in 1983, gave men more power over their wives and limited women's ability to divorce or gain custody of their children (Johnson, 2014). Additionally, women were subjected to dress codes and moral policing, with the mandatory hijab becoming emblematic of the new regime's control over women's bodies and personal choices (Johnson, 2014).
The impact of these policies on women's rights in Iran cannot be overstated, as they resulted in the marginalization and exclusion of women from various aspects of public life, restricting their access to employment, education and healthcare. However, it is important to note that despite these setbacks, Iranian women have continuously resisted and fought for their rights over the years, demonstrating resilience and determination in the face of adversity (Moghaddam, 2019).
With this in mind, we can see the unique situation that Iranian women are in and explore how this impacts their approaches to resistance in conjunction with Sandra Harding’s framework. Harding's concepts of situated knowledge and objectivity challenge traditional notions of objectivity in scientific research and knowledge production (Harding, 2004: 10). Harding argues that all knowledge is situated within specific social, cultural, and historical contexts, and is therefore inherently partial and biased. She asserts that objectivity, as traditionally defined, is a myth that perpetuates dominant power structures and marginalizes alternative perspectives.
By acknowledging the situatedness of knowledge, researchers can embrace a more reflexive and critical stance, actively questioning their assumptions and biases in the research process. Harding's concept of situated knowledge challenges dominant Eurocentric and male-dominant epistemologies and constructs of objectivity by seeking to reframe epistemic processes away from the white man, lifting up cultural epistemologies of women and minorities in the process. Therefore, this framework emphasizes the relevance of marginalized voices, such as those of Muslim Iranian women, whose knowledge has been historically excluded and devalued on a global stage but also in Iran itself.
By centering the significance of situated knowledge, Harding's framework recognizes the importance of acknowledging, respecting, and valuing the different ways of knowing and understanding the world.
Harding suggests that knowledge creation is neither neutral nor objective, as it is influenced by diverse perspectives, experiences, and identities. Iranian women are harnessing the situated knowledge that they have to create a standpoint.
Separate from a perspective, a standpoint is gained through a collective struggle. Iranian women have no short supply of struggle, giving them a distinct standpoint, which they use to battle the discrimination they face. In the context of feminist standpoint theory, Harding argues that women, as a historically marginalized group, bring distinctive perspectives that challenge and enrich dominant ways of knowing. By maximizing objectivity, researchers can move beyond the limitations of traditional, often male-centric, perspectives which is crucial in order to build a more robust and inclusive body of knowledge.
In this vein, Iranian women have been confronting systemic gender inequalities within the framework of an Islamic Republic since the 1979 revolution (Naghibi, 2007). Their resistance is multifaceted, encompassing both subtle everyday acts of defiance and bold public demonstrations.
Women in Iran struggle to separate from their husbands and are often trapped in abusive environments. Even expressing a desire to divorce can be dangerous; in 2019 an estimated 30% of all murders in Iran were honor killings of women and girls (New York Times, 2019). Iranian activists try to tackle this in a multifaceted way, with lawyers such as Mahasa Janghir defending women in courts against domestic violence, arguing for better access to divorce and ultimately fairer treatment of women under the law.
Other activists like Roya Hakakian harness their own experiences of violence against women growing up in post-revolutionary Iran, highlighting the systemic violence and repression faced by women. Such memoirs serve as powerful tools for raising awareness abroad about the realities of women’s lives in Iran.
This resistance is embedded in the collective struggle of Iranian women to challenge and transform the existing power structures and cultural norms that perpetuate gender disparities. It is important to recognize that Iranian women's resistance is not separated from Western feminism but represents a localized and contextualized form of feminist activism that is shaped by the specific challenges and dynamics they face within their society.
The distinctiveness of Iranian women's resistance lies in their ability to navigate and negotiate the complex interplay between religion, tradition, and women's rights, while advocating for change within the boundaries of their cultural framework.
Iranian women have used methods of protest like the One Million Signatures Campaign to have an effective voice. Civil disobedience and the removal of the veil are illegal, and harshly punished by the Guidance Patrol in Iran (Naghibi, 2007:84). Activists instead have launched the One Million Signature Campaign, aligned with Islamic principles, where representatives travel in pairs or alone to small towns, villages, shops, beauty salons, and bus stops, engaging in face-to-face conversations with individual Iranians they meet (Majd, 2008: 188). In this way, not only are the representatives safer, but the petition is technically lawful; its organizers argue that it is in no way contradictory with either the foundations of Islam or the laws of Iran (Majd, 2008: 189).
Harding argues for a more inclusive and diverse approach to knowledge production, one that recognizes and values the contributions of marginalized and subjugated knowers; and this is precisely what Iranian women are doing. They can launch an effective, lawful, and simultaneously meaningful resistance to their government, due to their unique understanding of the principles of Islam and their implementation in Iranian society.
The role of Iranian women in grassroots movements and activism against gender-based discrimination cannot be understated, as they have been instrumental in challenging societal norms and advocating for a more inclusive and equal society.
Iranian women's resistance movements are actively harnessing situated knowledge to challenge oppressive structures and advocate for their rights. In the context of Iranian women's resistance movements, situated knowledge allows women to challenge dominant narratives and power structures that perpetuate gender inequality. By drawing on their lived experiences and collective wisdom, Iranian activists can challenge the patriarchal norms and policies that restrict their agency and opportunities. They use their situated knowledge to develop alternative narratives and strategies that center on the experiences and needs of women, amplifying their voices and demanding social and political change.
Campaigns like the ‘Stop Stoning Forever’ campaign are another example of community action against femicide, one which sought to outlaw the practice of stoning women accused of adultery. The campaign worked to bring international attention to stoning and pressured the Iranian government to halt executions, leading to a significant reduction in stoning sentences.The campaign's success in harnessing situated knowledge lies in its ability to bring together diverse perspectives and experiences of Iranian women, creating a platform for collective action and solidarity. Iranian women's resistance movements exemplify how the mobilization of situated knowledge can be a powerful tool for challenging gender inequality and advocating for social change.
Through their dedication and collective action, these women have not only raised awareness about gender-based discrimination but have also inspired a new generation of activists to join the movement for gender equality in Iran (Alikarami, 2019). Iranian women have used social media to amplify their voices and share their experiences of discrimination. The My Stealthy Freedom (MSF) is a movement founded by journalist Masih Alinejad in 2014 that encourages Iranian women to share unveiled photos of themselves on the MSF Facebook page, which now has over a million followers (Koo, 2016). While the One Million Signatures Campaign seeks to amend gender-discriminatory laws so that women can participate fully in Iranian society, the Women Living Under Muslim Laws network (WLUML) advocates for women's rights while challenging biased interpretations of Shari'a law globally.
The significance of social media platforms within resistance lies in their ability to give voice to women who had previously been suppressed and connect the female resistance movements within Iran to an international audience. In May of 2017, Alinejad founded ‘White Wednesdays’ a peaceful protest which encourages Iranian women to wear white head coverings or chadors on Wednesdays as a form of resistance. Iranian women fight against discrimination while still being in the framework of the law is a testament to how their situated knowledge maximizes objectivity. The difference between Iranian women's resistance and traditional Western feminism lies in the specific context in which these movements operate. Iranian women's resistance is deeply rooted in the context of the Islamic Republic of Iran, within the patriarchal nature of the regime and its strict interpretation of Islamic law which pose challenges specific to them. As noted by Afsaneh Najmabadi, an Iranian scholar, these movements "do not fit easily into pre-existing Western feminist frameworks" (Najmabadi, 2011: 577). Rather, they require a nuanced understanding of the specific cultural and political dynamics in Iran, as well as the intersectionality of various forms of oppression faced by women in this context. Therefore, while traditional feminism and Iranian women's resistance share the common goal of gender equality, the latter is shaped by the challenges and circumstances faced by Iranian women within their society.
Sandra Harding's theory of 'situated knowledge' provides an important framework for understanding Iranian women's resistance movements and achieving greater objectivity. By centering the voices and experiences of Iranian women, situated knowledge enhances objectivity and provides a more comprehensive understanding of their struggles and agency. The concept of situated knowledge offers a valuable framework for interpreting and understanding the experiences of women involved in resistance movements, not only in Iran but globally. It is important to recognize the diversity of contributions and experiences of women in the context of social and political change. Going forward, the application of this theory is crucial for future research, particularly in the interest of promoting women's rights across the Middle East.
Bibliography:
· Alikarami, L. (2019). Women's Human Rights and the Elimination of Discrimination in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Role of Grassroots Activism.
· Empress Farah Pahlavi. (1978). My 1001 Days.
· Harding, S. (1986). The science question in feminism. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
· Harding, S. (1991). “Whose science? Whose knowledge? Thinking from women's lives” (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press)
· Harding, S (2004) “Introduction: Standpoint Theory as a Site of Political, Philosophical, and Scientific Debate”, The Feminist Standpoint Theory Reader, (New York: Routledge)
· Maleki, A., & Pooyan, T. A. (2020). “IRANIANS’ ATTITUDES TOWARD RELIGION:A 2020 SURVEY REPORT” The Group for Analysing and Measuring Attitudes in Iran (GAMAAN)”
Accessed https://gamaan.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/GAMAAN-Iran-Religion-Survey-2020-English.pdf November 29 2023
· Majd, H, (2008) The Ayatollah Begs to Differ : The Paradox of Modern Iran, (Doubleday, New York) p.188
· Moghaddam, R. (2019). “Struggle for Equality: From the Constitutional Revolution to Cyberfeminism with a Focus on the Role of New Media in the Women’s Movement in Iran.” (USC Berkely Press)
· Najmabadi, A. (2011) "Feminism in an Islamic Republic: Years of Hardship, Years of Growth." Feminist Studies, vol. 37, no. 3, pp. 570-584
· Naghibi N. (2007). “Rethinking Global Sisterhood.” (U of Minnesota Press.)
· Sanasarian, E. (1982). “The Women’s Rights Movement in Iran: mutiny, appeasement, and repression from 1900 to Khomeini” . (New York, N.Y. : Praeger.)